Opponents of “woke capitalism” want to make “woke” a four-letter word. Yet, at least one philosopher, Stanley Cavell, who spent much of his career seeking out what counts as “American” philosophy, claims that “woke” is a prime ingredient of that philosophy.
Thoreau’s Walden is Cavell’s prooftext, though wokeness as an inherent characteristic of American culture has been canonized in narratives like “Rip Van Winkle,” Henry David Thoreau’s Walden, Walt Whitman’s “To the States,” Kate Chopin’s The Awakening, Victor Fleming’s The Wizard of Oz, and William Melvin Kelley’s “If You’re Woke, You Dig It.” A dissertation is waiting to be written juxtaposing Emily Dickinson’s “I had no Cause to be awake” to Morgan Parker’s “If You Are Over Being Woke.” That dissertation-to-be will note that Parker’s “woke” is not Dickinson’s. Parker’s “woke” is a racial awakening absent from the works cited above from Dickinson, Whitman, Chopin, Irving, and Thoreau. Parker’s “woke” isn’t nation-specific. It’s about the world: “Remember what / the world is like / for white people.” The world has taken “woke” to mean an attitude about race as well as about a more general collection of political positions, such as an absence of patriotism and nationalism. This latter meaning of “woke” upsets people like Lawrence Fox, who ran recently for mayor of London on an anti-woke platform. Fox’s perspective on “woke” is a contemporary version of political thought that Thoreau contradicted.
While Cavell lamented that his philosophical colleagues balked at including Thoreau as a philosopher, Cavell insisted that Thoreau’s attention to “woke culture” illustrates a crucial philosophical behavior. Cavell writes in This New Yet Unapproachable America: “Philosophy’s virtue is responsiveness. What makes it philosophy is not that its response will be total, but that it will be tireless, awake when others have all fallen asleep.”
Being awake is Thoreau’s concern from beginning to end in Walden. Like many Americans today, Thoreau reports at the outset of Walden that he is disoriented by the degree to which his fellow citizens are crazed, uncommunicating fanatics. Thoreau intends a sonic jolt for his neighbors: “I do not propose to write an ode to dejection, but to brag as lustily as chanticleer in the morning, standing on his roost, if only to wake my neighbors up.” Don’t miss that “if only,” since it sets the bar low – being “woke” is the least Thoreau hopes to accomplish in Walden.
Thoreau’s avian analogy suggests the difference between unconsciousness and consciousness cannot be determined by opening one’s eyes in the morning. Consciousness in Thoreau’s sense is more than merely being awake. We can have eyes wide shut. That’s a story as old as Chanticleer and the Fox.
Thoreau’s brand of wokefulness opposes an ingredient currently precious to members of the Christian right who see “woke culture” as rotting away America. Thoreau wants to exterminate “the maggot in their heads,” namely patriotism. If you recall the awkward flag-hugging moments of the last presidency, or have noted the recent attempts by states like Texas to require the National Anthem at sporting events, you will have a sense of the centrality of Warholian-colored patriotism for conservatives, including those who invoke philosophy in a war on wokeness. To gauge how distorting this issue is for Christians, see an alarming essay by Glenn Ellmers. Ellmers is in despair about America, expressed in his fantasy for an America that will “carry on without the United States.”
The good old days of “original America” have passed, but Ellmers wants them back. Ellmers and his advocates bathe in nostalgia. In Cavell’s commentary on Walden, he writes, “Nostalgia is an inability to open the past to the future, as if the strangers who will replace you will never find what you have found.” Thoreau is all about “letting the past go, giving it up,” according to Cavell.
Cavell takes Thoreau for a prophet, while others, like Kathryn Schulz, see Thoreau as “an asshole.” Leave it to others to pinpoint Thoreau on the prophet-asshole continuum. For the current purpose, it is necessary only to align Thoreau with the tradition of staying “woke,” confirmed on Walden’s last page: “Only that day dawns to which we are awake.”
Opponents of “woke culture,” like Senator Ted Cruz and other Christian nationalists, seem unaware that Christianity has celebrated woke culture for centuries. It’s woven into scripture and worship. Holy wokehood is already a musical. Bach’s “Sleepers Wake” cantata (BMV 140) implores its listeners: “Wake, the voice is calling us!” That cantata is a staple in Christian churches.
In fact, historians assign “the greatest American theologian” Jonathan Edwards’s efforts in the American colonies in the early 18th century to The Great Awakening, a movement Sarah Vowell claims is “a much more emotional form of Christianity” than that practiced by the Puritans. Many Christians in both pre- and post-Revolutionary America yearned to be “woke.” In the era of the Founding Fathers, Edwards was their “revivalist,” the evangelical preacher who caused “howlings” among his audiences.
Contemporary Christian scholars argue that wakefulness plays a major role in the New Testament. For example, in an essay about the gospel of Mark in the Journal of Biblical Literature, Micah Kiel writes, “Mark’s intentions seem to be to engender no action apart from wakefulness.” Jesus is all over wokeness, reminding his disciples and others how Jesus catches them repeatedly napping. In Matthew (26: 40-41) Jesus discovers the disciples sleeping and scolds them for their inability to remain conscious for even an hour. A skeptic might think Jesus’s disciples suffered from narcolepsy since we have another episode of disciples nodding off in Luke (22:45).
How have Christians, grousing now about “woke culture”, forgotten their own religion’s history? The amnesia might be a ruse, but the skeptical winds have shifted. One surprise is that the Christian right’s complaint about “woke culture” runs straight into the headwind of Republican criticism of the current President as “sleepy Joe.” In another shift, some Republicans elevate race above religion in the allergic reaction to “woke” activists following the lead of hip-hop performers. In a Fox News opinion piece, Greg Gutfeld says, “Wokeness has become the new curriculum — race warfare using identity politics to give power to a clique of petty dictators.” Gutfeld’s fear, which extends beyond the U.S., is that the left will “gobble up our kids,” as if the left is the equivalent of the cannibalistic witch from “Hansel and Gretel.”
It might be that Christian opponents of “woke culture” are caught up in an ideology they prefer not to resist, a form of non-woke capitalism devoted to consumerism and pleasure, where the economy is more important than life itself. As Marxist philosophers like Slavoj Žižek warn, we are all caught up in ideology, those unquestioned fantasies and beliefs that drive social life. Žižek’s object lesson about the pervasiveness of our difficulties to wake to ideology is John Carpenter’s cult classic They Live. Žižek directs our attention to a drifter who finds a pair of sunglasses that allow him to see that the ruling class is manipulating people to accept the status quo (via concealed messages that the sunglasses reveal). In the context of those murmuring about “woke culture,” is it a coincidence that the lead character in the film finds the pair of magical sunglasses in an abandoned church?
They Live is based on sci-fi writer Ray Nelson’s chanticleer-like story from the 1960s titled “Eight o’clock in the Morning,” another American cautionary tale about wokeness. Its first line: “At the end of the show the hypnotist told his subjects, ‘Awake.’” Nelson is part of a three-centuries old parade of philosophers, writers, filmmakers, and others seeking to rouse an America prone to hitting the collective snooze button.
Bruce J. Krajewski
Bruce J. Krajewski is a translator and editor of Salomo Friedlaender'sKant for Children(forthcoming in 2024 from De Gruyter).
“Being awake is Thoreau’s concern from beginning to end in Walden. Like many Americans today, Thoreau reports at the outset of Walden that he is disoriented by the degree to which his fellow citizens are crazed, uncommunicating fanatics. Thoreau intends a sonic jolt for his neighbors: “I do not propose to write an ode to dejection, but to brag as lustily as chanticleer in the morning, standing on his roost, if only to wake my neighbors up.””
Yes, we all need to awaken to the many environmental problems we have created for ourselves, problems that Thoreau could hardly have imagined and would have been appalled upon discovering how blindly we collectively “sleepwalked” into them.
But I find the title and thrust of this essay to be somewhat disingenuous, since the kind of “wokeness” many people are up in arms about is NOT what Thoreau was talking about. It seems rather to be a kind of groupthink among certain academics who take delight in another phenomenon of our human social psychology, the scapegoating of people who for one reason or another lie outside their charmed circle of moral acceptability, membership in which seems to require the sharing of a certain set of beliefs and imposing them on others.
But I clicked on this link to hear from those who would articulate these dearly held beliefs and defend them, and from others who are prepared to wage a “war” against them. Any takers, on either side of the issue?
The second paragraph of the piece makes clear the multivalences of “woke” at work, and the word’s meanings used by the figures mentioned in the essay are complementary rather than contradictory.
The editors of the Blog were careful not to provide any metatagging that would indicate the piece had to do with Thoreau as environmentalist. Environmentalism in its usual meaning is not part of the essay, and it’s possible readers who encountered long ago Cavell’s “Senses of Walden,” the starting place for the piece, could be easily excused for looking past the fact that Cavell too takes up Thoreau as a philosopher, an “American” philosopher, and not primarily Thoreau as an environmentalist.
Thoreau frets about his neighbors’ nationalism and patriotism, which are key characteristics — certainly not the only ones — of the contemporary “war on wokeness” as described by the opponents themselves, such as Lawrence Fox and some British Tories, as well as Spencer Klavan here in the U.S. The title of the podcast in which Klavan is interviewed is: “The Philosophy of Wokeness.” A link to the podcast is in the piece, mainly to emphasize continually the linkage between “wokeness” and philosophy, since this is all happening inside the APA Blog.
Those at war with “wokeness,” like Klavan, can be found easily online. Some of the reasons Klavan is upset are matters addressed by Thoreau, who urges his (Thoreau’s) readers, for example, not to get caught up in nostalgia, in valorizing the past. Cavell reads Thoreau as a philosopher urging others to let go of the past.
Perhaps you’d be willing to provide a sample of what you think are those “dearly held beliefs” you mention at the end of your comment?
As an environmental philosopher, I stand by my comment that ” we all need to awaken to the many environmental problems we have created for ourselves, problems that Thoreau could hardly have imagined,” and I think that these enormous, planetary-scale problems dwarf the problems that, as far as I can tell, seem to be under discussion [“race”? “class”? “sex”? “gender”? exploitation? oppression?—I have my own judgments regarding the oppressed and exploited these days, but I suspect they lie outside the categories that figure prominently] in conversations that in some way carry the meaning of “wokeness”–but exactly what those “dearly held beliefs” are is exactly what I’d like to see explained in writing, without a lot of academic doubletalk.
My position is that we humans are all one species, and within that species is much diversity, biological and cultural (https://science.sciencemag.org/content/372/6544/eaba3776.full). The key thing to understand is that the cultural kind is the result of human choice, and can be voluntarily changed as a result of well-reasoned human decision making, in an effort to reduce (and eventually eliminate?) all institutionalized oppression and exploitation, which certainly abounds today in many forms. But we humans seem to do best when we think as individuals and act as intelligent moral agents, in contrast to getting swept up in collective groupthink by identifying primarily as mere members of subgroupings. When our tribal proclivities get triggered—as seems to be on the increase—collective irrationality can even break out, and can also take many forms.
Whether or not any of these topics are under discussion in conversations about “wokeness” is something I’m curious about, so perhaps you’d be willing to provide a sample of the kinds of beliefs and/or attitudes you perceive as under fire in this “war” you think is being waged upon them? I came to this topic because I really do want to understand this debate.
We agree on the scale of the environmental problems facing human beings, but not on their pre-eminence. In the post, one design feature was to show that our attention might best be directed to global capitalism, the cause of many of those astounding environmental problems you reference. As Žižek has pointed out, the problems generated by global capitalism will not be solved by individuals, even individuals who make ecologically informed choices (https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2014/may/21/prix-pictet-photography-prize-consumption-slavoj-zizek). Someone in the grocery store fretting about which farm-raised salmon is most sustainable isn’t going to save the oceans. It’s going to require worldwide, collective action, and a political outlook that isn’t rooted to one nation, one ethnic group. It will require solidarity. (My hope is that you don’t associate solidarity with “groupthink,” and that you would acknowledge that irrationality can be a characteristic of individuals as well as groups, e.g., Ruth Padel’s, “Whom Gods Destroy : Elements of Greek and Tragic Madness”). The capitalists are aware that the many people worry about the environment, so companies provide the psychological balm (a.k.a., ideology) to keep capitalism functioning. Žižek on Starbucks: “We give 1% all our income to some Guatemalan children to keep them healthy, for the water supply for some Saharan farmer, or to save the forest, to enable organic growing for coffee, etc.”
The phrase “war on wokeness” is not my doing. The phrase has been in the media for at least a few months (https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/04/09/woke-wars-united-states-britain/), with some observers pinpointing its origin amongst Tories in Britain (https://www.telegraph.co.uk/politics/2021/01/23/roads-named-victoria-cross-heroes-latest-tory-plan-war-woke/). That last URL comes from a link in the piece for the APA Blog. To their credit, the Blog’s editors are insistent that contributors provide sources for claims, but that also means extra reading for the audience kind enough to take time to read the posts. The two links above would provide you with some of the topics under discussion when the “war on wokeness” comes up, two of which are a complaint that some people display an insufficient level of nationalism and patriotism. Thus, Texas’s politicians endorsing legislation that the national anthem be part of public sporting events. In a related action, the Governor of Texas signed this week a bill from the legislature that prohibits conversations about racial matters in public education.
Thoreau is an adversary of those devoted to nationalism and patriotism, as Stanley Cavell documents. Cavell is also aware of a powerful push in “American” philosophy to promote individualism, such as his comment in “Emerson’s Constitutional Amending” about Emerson’s “incessant promotion of the individual over the social.”
Dear Professor Krajewski, thank you for responding in a straightforward manner and providing some links to fill in the political context of “the war on wokeness.” I have some comments on “global capitalism,” but first my take on our human group behavior, and what I see as the dangers of the increasing polarization between certain subgroupings within our human species.
“The individual is a group animal—at war, not simply with the group, but with himself for being a group animal and with those aspects of his personality that constitute his ‘groupishness’” (Wilfred Bion, 1961, Experiences in Groups). Such is the prefacing quote in C. Fred Alford’s Group Psychology & Political Theory; Alford’s interests target, however, not the large abstract groups with whom identification is taken to constitute “identity” by some, but rather the small, face-to-face groups formed transiently to undertake the task of studying their own group processes—the dynamics of which may throw some light on the kinds of human interactions that give rise to what’s going on in this “war on wokeness.” I spoke earlier about the importance of engaging in individual thinking as opposed to being swept up in the “groupthink,” and I’m interested in trying to see us on several levels—as members of a single species sharing much commonality, as individual thinkers and doers, capable of making moral decisions about our own actions, and as members of different sorts of groupings, some by choice, some by accident of birth, some by circumstances created by a little of both—with our inclusion in these different groupings often playing a highly influential role in what we actually come to think and do. As Eviatar Zerubavel points out, “it is society”—or at least the subgroup of our society with which we are affiliated—“that determines what we come to regard as ‘reasonable’ or ‘nonsensical,’ and it usually does so by exerting tacit pressure which we rarely even notice unless we try to resist it” (1997, Social Mindscapes, 13). He also speaks of the socially-induced process of “learning to ignore” certain things while attending to others in the ways that the social groups around us do, and notes that we often become enmeshed in “conspiracies of silence”—“refusing to acknowledge the presence of things that actually beg for attention” (2006, The Elephant in the Room). When I look into the kinds of narratives I see spinning in the media put out on both “sides” of the issues that seem to be at the center of “wokeness,” I try to ask, what are the ideas that are being promoted, and which topics are being suppressed? On the right, discussion about the actual history of slavery in the US doesn’t get much air play—these narratives are being suppressed—while yes, “patriotism” does seem to come out a big winner. That side counters, however, with scenes of property destruction and threats (if not acts) of physical violence on the part of some apparent proponents of “wokeness”—maintaining that these topics seem to be taboo on the MSN channels—and ask if “defunding the police” is really a good idea.
I’m not currently living inside the US, so I watch what’s going on with a mixture of curiosity and concern—I worry that the circulating messages within both of these social/political groupings are contributing to increasing polarization that sets them on a collision course. By “groupthink” I mean the phenomenon by which members of certain groupings become caught up in a feed-forward process of continually reinforcing one another’s beliefs and attitudes regarding something while actively excluding or denying conflicting information, generally with an overall trajectory serving to drive the larger social grouping to move in a particular direction or take a certain kind of action, often without permitting thoughtful discussion incorporating a diversity of perspectives. Given this definition, there also seems to be a worrisome overlap between what some would call the “political correctness” being promoted on the left and the current drumbeat pushing us toward uncritical acceptance of centrally dictated COVID “lockdowns” and often seemingly arbitrary restrictions, barraging us with thousands of images of “shots in arms” while threatening the unvaccinated with being “locked out” of the ability to take part in the activities of normal life, while messages urging us to slow down and look at the bigger picture are being suppressed—particularly disturbing in light of what seem, to those with access to the scientific literature, to be obvious lies on the part of Drs. Fauci and Collins (check out the acknowledgement of grant funding: https://www.nature.com/articles/nm.3985.pdf). The intense “push” behind all this feels very much like the social pressure in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11/01 event that led to the Patriot Act, the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, and the mandate to take our shoes off whenever we board an airplane—leading some to inquire about the larger agenda behind it all this time. Groupthink coming from anyplace on the political spectrum can be dangerous—particularly in light of the degree to which what we take for “knowledge” is socially constructed—because it puts us increasingly out of touch with concerns of importance that have been designated “unthinkable,” the silence around them enforced by social ostracism and scapegoating of “heretics.” Len Fisher (2009, The Perfect Swarm, 97-104) suggests that the way to counter groupthink is for individuals to “get out of the group environment for a while” and reach conclusions about important topics on their own, and then to engage in collective deliberation with others of different perspectives. Unfortunately, the polarization seems to have gone too far to permit this now.
However, I’m glad we agree on at least the scale of our environmental problems, and I agree that one of the underlying drivers causing and continually escalating these problems is indeed global capitalism. I also agree that it will “require worldwide, collective action” to reconstruct ways of conducting the necessary exchange of life-sustaining goods within a system quite different from that of global capitalism, with its unapologetic oppression, exploitation and ecological destruction. I believe the ultimate cause of this strange phenomenon, global capitalism, is also a product of the “social mindscape,” our now-near-global collective belief in the ontological priority of the socially constructed symbol-game we call economics. While it’s true that most people’s lives now depend upon their good or bad fortune within that game, it’s still a serious mistake for any of us to believe that this system of abstract rules governing what we do with ontologically subjective entities like “money,” “interest rates,” “credit scores” and the like—all of which, after all, only “exist” in people’s heads—is of greater ontological substantiality than the biogeophysical system of the planet, which is what really supports our human lives. The global economic game is driving us to seriously undercut the functioning of that larger system, at the same time that it wreaks terrible damage on all the lives that fall under its regime of oppression, exploitation and destruction.
But it is not only human beings, and human groupings, that experience oppression, exploitation and destruction, and it’s not only the regime of global capitalism that produces these effects (although it is a major contributor). There are a great many other forms of life, and many of them are sentient, highly intelligent, not only clearly conscious but mentally and emotionally very much like unto ourselves—however one might choose to describe these nonhuman lives, it cannot be denied that they are filled with subjective experience. Very often the organization of capitalist production systems results in the exploitation of both groupings of humans and groupings of nonhumans—the conditions of industrialized slaughterhouses stand as one example of this, while our relentless, continuing takeover of land and the commodification of the body parts and “bushmeat” of the Earth’s remaining wildlife (which we humans plus our livestock now, according to one calculation, outweigh by about 50:1) parallels the shameful marginalization and destruction of indigenous human beings around the world. So far the intersectionality of the oppression and exploitation of all these lives is so far only addressed by a handful of ecofeminists and other environmental philosophers, but I can only hope that, as more and more of us begin to “wake up” to the even bigger picture, we will start to see anthropocentrism as being as much of an evil as racism—and even more destructive, since it not only harms the immediate sufferers of exploitation, its insidious pervasiveness lets us allow global capitalism to run rampant, destabilizing planetary systems and endangering all life in a way that an ethical respect for nonhuman life would have prohibited long ago.
My own personal war on woke culture consists of the claim that an excessive focus on consciousness raising is distracting us from specific, bold, plans of action.
Imagine that your kitchen catches on fire. What is the rational response? Attend a seminar on the history of kitchen fires? Write a book about fundamental problems inherent in current building codes? Give a lecture that will “wake” everyone on the danger of untended stoves?
Or would the rational act be to take immediate specific bold action for putting the fire out?
Woke culture desperately pretends to be desperately serious, but without specific bold plans it is well intended, but delusional.
A war on woke culture can be launched both from the right, and from the left.